As Nigeria Prepares To Talk... The Germane Issues

 

CAN a nation possibly look forward without looking back? Is it not often said that “looking backward is looking forward”? It is also a truism that “the solution to every problem could be found in the source of that problem”. 

  One may be tempted to think that Kaufman had Nigeria in mind when he scripted “The Abomunist Manifesto” “which sought to outline a movement of semi serious protest against sacred cows and idols with feet of clay and heads of pure rock that may, if it attracts disciples rival Dada or Pataphysics”.

  There are about 14 items in the Abomunist Manifesto, but I chose to pick out only four in order not to bore the reader: Abomunists join nothing but their hands or legs or other same; in times of national peril, Abomunists stand ready to drink themselves to death for their country; Abomunists believe that the solution of problem of religious bigotry is to have a “Muslim” candidate for president and a “Protestant” candidate for Pope, “while the Catholics are on-lookers”; Abomunists’ children must be reared Abomunistly.

  Looking backwards some 61 odd years ago and precisely in 1952, one may begin to trace the source of some of Nigeria’s problems. Before 1952, otherwise known as “the good old days” it did not matter what native language you spoke, what food you ate or what marks you had on your face. Dress code was not restrictive rather all encompassing because nearly every Nigerian wore “Agbada, Danshiki or Baba Riga. The head gear was also not restrictive except for those signifying thrones, titles and religion.       

  At that time, to become a member of the House of Representatives, you had to first be elected a member of the Regional House of Assembly. This provision accorded the Regional House of Assembly pride of place and made it possible for most politicians to pay attention to grassroots people who in the first place are the purpose of democracy. At that political time the House of Assembly had a red carpet that separate the government of the day from the opposition and the Speakers Bench was at the centre; the party in government sat one side while the opposition sat over the other side and as at this time Lagos was part of Western Region.

  In 1952, there were elections to the Western House of Assembly, which included Lagos that was controlled by NCNC who had put up four candidates that included H.O. Davis, Adeleke Adedoyin, Olorunimbe and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. It was the defeat of Action Group in Lagos election by NCNC with its consequent control of Lagos by NCNC that seemed to be the genesis of what historical midgets fail to relate with. It is important to note here that NCNC was not an Igbo party. Indeed, it was founded by Herbert Macaulay, a true Yoruba. 

  It is also instructive to learn that in fact Awolowo was a member of NCNC who left the party to form Action Group. His leaving NCNC was not unconnected with his disapproval for Earnest Okoli’s leadership of Nigerian Youth Movement/Lagos Legislative Council as well as the direction of the constitutional debates during the colonial period particularly regarding the status of Lagos designated “no man’s land” as against his desired part of Western Region and not a colony. In fact it is worthy to note that Herbert Macaulay remains the only Nigerian that did not form an ethno-based Political Party. No body or group seem to have been able to emulate what Herbert Macaulay and his group did in August 1944 by weaving diverse organisations and nationalities together in founding NCNC. 

  It was pure political sagacity that saw close to 40 Unions, Associations and clubs come together to found the most formidable Political Party in Nigeria. These include Egbado Improvement Union, Ekiti Parapo Society, Edo National Union, Ila Patriotic Union, Igbanke Union, Ezii Welfare League, Bende Union, Council of Ijebu National Society, Yaba Estate Social Club, Bamenda Improvement Union, Akure Federal Union, Commercial Biz Leaque,  Ebute Butchers Union of Lagos, Calabar Improvement Leaque, Associated Press, Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, National Democratic Party, Demobilised Soldiers Union, Lagos Market Women Union, Tailors Union of Nigeria, Nigerian Union of Students, Mbaise Union, Ahoada District Union, Enugu Divisional Union, West Africa Union of Seamen, Ekpoma Progress Union, Igbotako Progressive Society, Ijebu Igbo Patriotic Society, Iperu Improvement  Union, Youths Literary Improvement, Ishan Progressive Union, Council of Ijesha Societies, Farmers Committee of West Africa. Association of Master Tailors of Nigeria, Nigeria Reconstruction Group and Kwale Improvement Union.

  It is only fair also to note that Action Group (AG) was a transformation of Egbe Omo Odua while Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) transformed from Jam’Iyyar Mutanen Arewa which was a cross-fertilization of the old Baruwa Boys Alumni and Northern Teachers Association.  It also should be noted that out of the four candidates put up by NCNC, only one was of Igbo extraction while the rest were of the Yoruba extraction. This situation was not restricted to Lagos as NCNC had a very comfortable majority in the rest of Yoruba land and consequently in the western House of Assembly. Further to the provision of “must be a member of the House of Assembly before you can aspire for the House of Representatives” the constitution also had it that the leader of the party with the majority in the House would be the leader of the House and that when self government is achieved from the British, the leader would be designated PREMIER OF THE REGION.

  When the elections were concluded and NCNC enjoyed a comfortable majority in the Western House of Assembly with only ONE IGBO who represented Lagos, the leadership of Action Group would not have the election mandate. The real suspicion then was that even as it was only one Igbo that was elected, that his position in NCNC which he earned himself not as an Igbo but as a Nigerian, a freedom fighter, a pan Africanist and above all a detribalised Nigerian, the danger of the constitutional provisions would mean, that if allowed, an Igbo man would become the leader of the western House of Assembly and consequent upon that, one day an Igbo man would be the Premier of Western Nigeria. The Action Group leadership quickly mobilized the Ooni of Ife and several other Yoruba Obas who quickly bought into the provisions of the constitution as being dangerous for Western Region. 

  This message as true as it was hit home and hard too. The Yoruba members of NCNC came under very intense pressure and finally yielded to the vicious lobby to cross over to Action Group with a singular motive “To stop an Igbo man from becoming the premier.” The then winning NCNC on that fateful day being in the majority occupied the government side and the red carpet separated them from the losing Action Group. The Governor of Western Nigeria then was the Speaker/Chairman of the Western House. When the Governor took his seat, Chief Awolowo got up and said that he had an urgent matter to raise to forestall a situation that could lead to riots and anarchy which he said, many members of the House had decided to correct.

  Soon after that, one after the other, the NCNC members got up and said to the Governor “Your Excellency, I don’t want to be part of a situation where Yoruba land would be set on fire, so I am crossing over to the other side”. That was genesis of the infamous “CARPET CROSSING”.

  The first to walk across the Red Carpet were representatives from Ibadan led by Adisa Akinloye and followed by Adelabu, and Richard Akinjide. It must be noted that Mojeed Agbaje held to his democratic principles and refused to cross over. It should also be noted that all the people who came from Lagos with Azikiwe led by Adeleke Adedoyin crossed the Red Carpet.

  After the Carpet Crossing, the majority enjoyed by NCNC was reduced to a very poor minority and it was this situation that led to the “famous” cry as Okotie Eboh broke down in tears, crying uncontrollably.  It therefore was the introduction of this word “CARPET CROSSING” into the political lexicon of Nigerian politics that planted the seed of tribalism into Nigerian politics and has since grown in leaps and bounds from regionalism to tribalism, minoritism, statism, and these days, geo political zonism, religionism, cultism, separatism, and most recently terrorism, and politics of fear of domination.

TRIBALISM: 

Consequent to the already established carpet crossing was the dilemma faced by NCNC. It was the NCNC leadership that decided that it was no use for their party to allow Azikiwe to take up the leader of opposition in the Western House of Assembly. This decision was informed by the very poor minority that a previous very comfortable win had been reduced to. The NCNC in their wisdom decided that it was better for Azikiwe to go to the East where he came from to head the government of his own region. This decision by the leadership of NCNC was based on their understanding then that the politics of Nigeria had been reduced to a great absurd level of tribalism. 

 The same NCNC leadership in turn persuaded one of their members representing Onitsha to resign for Azikiwe to take his place at the House of Assembly of Eastern Nigeria. It was also decided by NCNC that Professor Eyo Ita, the then leader of Government Business in the Eastern House of Assembly, should resign for Azikiwe to assume that position. 

  This decision by NCNC leadership was resisted by Eyo Ita as he refused to resign. Eyo Ita was supported by Ubani Ekeoma, A.C. Nwapa and R. I. Uzoma all who were then Ministers at Enugu. When Azikiwe was pushed away from Ibadan, Yoruba land and eventually displaced Eyo Ita at Enugu, tribalism gained space in Nigerian politics. This regional politics as against national politics evidenced in 1952 reared Abomunistly in all pre-independence conferences, the falsification of 1952 census and false delineation of electoral constituencies.

  The 1959 federal elections perpetuated regionalism when the AG/UMBC scored a total of 1,992,364 votes that could earn them only 73 seats in the Federal House. The NPC scored 1,992,179 votes which are 185 votes less than the votes posted by AG/UMBC yet the NPC secured 142 seats at the Federal House, NCNC scored 2,594,577 votes and could only secure 94 seats at the Federal House why in 1959 did the British officer Sir James Robertson instruct Sir Belewa to form his Government even before the election was concluded.

  If not for the Abomunist Manifesto, one may want to ask, “Is Democracy about people or Land Mass?” How was Northern Laws adopted in the Amalgamation Proclamation? How come that the official gazette announcing amalgamation was published on December 27, 1913, during Christmas holidays, and within three days on January 1, 1914, when the amalgamation took effect, “A great Durbar of 30,000 horsemen was held on the great Kano Plain”. This Durbar was attended by Chief Moslem rulers from Sokoto to Chad to swear allegiance to his Majesty and to celebrate the amalgamation while the southern protectorate were yet to know what has hit them.

  How did the symbol of Ancient Fulbe find its way on modern Nigerian currencies? Why and what is the significance of returning the Attahiru flag captured by the British Force in 1903 back to the Sultan of Sokoto and in a ceremony in 1960. One may want to ask politicians like Femi Fani Kayode, looking at the 1959 election results, why AG and NCNC coalition could not have formed government? Is British parliamentary system with its attaining regionalism really an option when structural imbalances such as 40 Local Government Areas for Kano and 20 Local Government Areas for Lagos is manifest?